Coalition & alliance for action

Robert Buddan - POLITICS OF OUR TIME

AN EDITORIAL in Barbados' New Nation News on June 8 reported that a Coalition of Civil Society Organisations in Jamaica had proposed a set of suggestions that arise from and relate to a number of current and critical issues we face as a nation. These issues are: (1) the Coke extradition and the consequences for the executive and judiciary, law and diplomacy; (2) the Manatt, Phelps & Phillips affair, the separation between the roles of the party leader and prime minister, truthfulness and trustworthiness in parliament and in the persons of our leaders; (3) the failure of the police-military-intelligence search for Christopher Coke, the attack on Tivoli and the human rights implications, especially in the context of (4) the fight against crime and criminality, and the kind of development, especially community development, we need all round.

Civil society and business and professional organisations that have an interest in these matters are faced with an awesome task. It is awesome because reality is a shifting target. By the time you take aim at one problem others arise or the original problem is redefined, re-imaged, or metamorphosed into new and extended shapes and forms. Civil society organisations themselves are often stretched by lack of capacity to sustain their advocacy. Together, these tend to lead to the infamous 'nine-day wonder' of the life of public opinion. Incidentally, the media managers of public opinion play an important role in shifting the meaning of reality. So, civil society must have its own clear view and voice.

Keeping on top of the issues with limited capacity in an easily distracting environment is a great challenge. It is even more so because of the nature of Jamaican society which these organisations must make sure to have the capacity to understand. Jamaica is an inherently conflicted society because our value system is not homogenous. These conflicts are not all reducible to political tribalism. There are many lines of race, class and ideology that predate and prejudice our politics. Our democracy was never innocent of these prejudices. We need to deepen our political understanding of conflicts through studies of political sociology that Carl Stone had started.

Civil society organisations should also develop the broad-mindedness to know that gangs and garrisons are not unique to Jamaica.

A good refresher on this is the study done in 2007 by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. The drug problem is global. Gangs are everywhere and garrisons are present in many places where the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) and People's National Party (PNP) don't exist. They are called by different names in different languages. The Jamaican version has its unique history and characteristics. We need more global and comparative understanding.

Civil society organisations should accept that gangs and garrisons are not synonymous with parties and constituencies. They should not sweep the brush so broadly and indiscriminately to indict and embarrass the thousands of community workers at the party base, and the politically committed community-based, non-governmental and other organisations in our communities and constituencies. We will frighten them away and further kill the spirit of community and volunteerism if we indiscriminately say that parties have criminal links with gangs. We need to be more evidence-based.

This takes me to the crux of the problem. Civil society still operates on a simple thesis that the two parties are guilty of promoting criminal links with gangs and garrison constituencies in their competition for power. The international press, which does not know better, picks up this line and from the samples I have read, has carried this in what I have heard might be more than 700 articles on the Coke affair. Let us not shoot ourselves in the foot by dirtying our reputation unnecessarily.

Political Allies

To take this line is to be unfair to the thousands of Jamaican men and women who have served in parliament and local government since 1944 right up to the present. Most have never been involved with gangs and crime or agreed with their colleagues who have been. Instead, civil society must cultivate allies throughout the parties who want reforms and expose and isolate those who are actually blocking progress.

Many opportunities have been created by politicians for civil society to engage and work on the problem and some have heeded the call. The bipartisan Committee on Crime and Violence (2002) acknowledged that the solution must be to rebuild communities, improve the quality of political representation, and rely on bipartisan support for policing. It also acknowledged that although many attempts had been tried, many had failed and there was need to rely more on civil society.

Civil society must, therefore, reciprocate, and rather than demonise politicians it must be more discriminating, sensitive, tactful and, for those who deserve it, respectful. Some of the most important political reforms proposed have come from politicians. Members of civil society themselves have friends, favourites and patrons among politicians. It is true that politicians have also blocked reforms. These contacts could, therefore, be leveraged more productively.

To do this we must exercise a better sense of proportionality. I understand the popular and sometimes populist practice of always trying to blame both parties equally in order to sound fair and non-partisan but, rather than non-partisanship, the operational principle should be partnership and partners should be given credit where it is due and criticism likewise. Take these examples:

The Coalition of Civil Society wants both Bruce Golding and Portia Simpson Miller to meet 'immediately' to discuss disclosure laws for party campaign financing but the Electoral Commission of Jamaica (ECJ) has responsibility for this and the coalition should find out from the ECJ which party has been in favour of full and automatic disclosure and which has not. If it finds that it has been the PNP, as I believe it would, then it should give credit where that is due. The coalition also wants the integrity of candidates vetted. It should give credit to the PNP for establishing an integrity commission in the party to do that and more.

Coalition for Action

In fact, these organisations need to go beyond being a coalition of conscience to being a coalition for action. They should not just ask of others but do for themselves. Why should they think Golding will pursue reform after what has been happening? Why so much faith in a man these organisations cannot get the truth from and who many of them asked to resign?

The coalition should not just ask for disclosure of campaign contributions. It should investigate who gives how much, name those who don't tell and publicise the list. It should not just ask for police clearance of candidates but conduct its own. It need not just rely on the political ombudsman. It can investigate political misconduct itself. It can no longer merely talk about criminal links with parties. It must find the smoking gun.

Finally, these organisations must make sure that they don't keep changing the bar by which they judge others. They cannot call for change today and go back to business as usual tomorrow. They cannot demand resignation one day and settle for apology the next. They cannot hold national vigils against one government without the same against another. They will confuse standards, appear hypocritical and seem weak. Jamaica needs a civil coalition with political alliance for consistency of action.

Robert Buddan lectures in the Department of Government, UWI, Mona. Email: Robert. Buddan@uwimona.edu.jma